DesideriScuri -> RE: Colorado Voters Recall Two Democrat Senators (9/12/2013 2:50:32 PM)
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ORIGINAL: mnottertail I answered it long long ago. it has not changed. It does not involve colorado, however. The President shall be commander in chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of the United States; (and so forth, US Constitution). ******************** In the relatively few occasions where it has addressed foreign affairs, the Supreme Court has agreed with the executive branch's consistent interpretation. Conducting foreign affairs and protecting the national security are, as the Supreme Court has observed, "'central' Presidential domains." Harlow v. Fitzgerald, 457 U.S. 800, 812 n.19 (1982). The President's constitutional primacy flows from both his unique position in the constitutional structure, and from the specific grants of authority in Article II that make the President both the Chief Executive of the Nation and the Commander in Chief. See Nixon v. Fitzgerald, 457 U.S. 731, 749-50 (1982). Due to the President's constitutionally superior position, the Supreme Court has consistently "recognized 'the generally accepted view that foreign policy [is] the province and responsibility of the Executive.'" Department of the Navy v. Egan, 484 U.S. 518, 529 (1988) (quoting Haig v. Agee, 453 U.S. at 293-94). "The Founders in their wisdom made [the President] not only the Commander-in-Chief but also the guiding organ in the conduct of our foreign affairs," possessing "vast powers in relation to the outside world." Ludecke v. Watkins, 335 U.S. 160, 173 (1948). This foreign affairs power is exclusive: it is "the very delicate, plenary and exclusive power of the President as sole organ of the federal government in the field of international relations - a power which does not require as a basis for its exercise an act of Congress." United States v. Curtiss-Wright Export Corp., 299 U.S. 304, 320 (1936). Conducting military hostilities is a central tool for the exercise of the President's plenary control over the conduct of foreign policy. There can be no doubt that the use of force protects the Nation's security and helps it achieve its foreign policy goals. Construing the Constitution to grant such power to another branch could prevent the President from exercising his core constitutional responsibilities in foreign affairs. Even in the cases in which the Supreme Court has limited executive authority, it has also emphasized that we should not construe legislative prerogatives to prevent the executive branch "from accomplishing its constitutionally assigned functions." Nixon v. Administrator of General Servs., 433 U.S. 425, 443 (1977). excerpt from the W Justice department here: http://www.justice.gov/olc/warpowers925.htm And of course the AUMF. http://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/commander_in_chief_powers So, in a nutshell, there it is. quote:
THE PRESIDENT'S CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY TO CONDUCT MILITARY OPERATIONS AGAINST TERRORISTS AND NATIONS SUPPORTING THEM The President has broad constitutional power to take military action in response to the terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001. Congress has acknowledged this inherent executive power in both the War Powers Resolution and the Joint Resolution passed by Congress on September 14, 2001. The President has constitutional power not only to retaliate against any person, organization, or State suspected of involvement in terrorist attacks on the United States, but also against foreign States suspected of harboring or supporting such organizations. The President may deploy military force preemptively against terrorist organizations or the States that harbor or support them, whether or not they can be linked to the specific terrorist incidents of September 11. Nothing in that first part, since Syria had nothing to do with the attacks and al Qaeda is actually involved in fighting on the rebel's side. Nothing in the second part, either, since, again, Syria had nothing to do with the attacks, nor have they been suspected of harboring or supporting those that did (again, al Qaeda is fighting against the Syrian government). The third part, however, is where things get dicey. Syria is considered a terrorist sponsor, by the State Dept., right? However, we aren't actually attacking any terror organization, unless you consider the Assad regime a terror organization, which would then mean we need to effect a major change in their governance, which isn't going to happen, according to the President. That's the gray AUMF authority. On to the War Powers Act... quote:
It is the purpose of this chapter to fulfill the intent of the framers of the Constitution of the United States and insure that the collective judgment of both the Congress and the President will apply to the introduction of United States Armed Forces into hostilities, or into situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances, and to the continued use of such forces in hostilities or in such situations. Here we have the specification that both Congress and the President (not an "or" statement) have judgment over whether troops are introduced into hostilities or expected hostilities. Both. Not just the President. Further... quote:
(c) Presidential executive power as Commander-in-Chief; limitation The constitutional powers of the President as Commander-in-Chief to introduce United States Armed Forces into hostilities, or into situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances, are exercised only pursuant to(1) a declaration of war, (2) specific statutory authorization, or (3) a national emergency created by attack upon the United States, its territories or possessions, or its armed forces. 1. There is no DoW. 2. There is no specific statutory authorization (the general AUMF isn't specific) 3. There is no national emergency. The President of the United States is relying on a very gray authority, which some would very much challenge. As has been shown, both the current President and the current Vice President have both stated that W didn't have the authority to attack Iran. Either they are partisan hack liars, or that is the truth. However, if W didn't have the authority to unilaterally attack Iran, Obama doesn't have the authority to unilaterally attack Syria. Iran, too, is listed as a state sponsor of terror. So, either Obama and Biden were lying then, or Obama is lying now. Which is it?
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